Identity Of Political Parties Research Articles

Ruled by the Demons? Exploring the Relationship Between Belief in Demons and Public Attitudes Toward Donald Trump and Joe Biden

Beliefs in supernatural evils are prevalent among many religions. Prior research has shown that beliefs in supernatural evils were tied to various social and health outcomes. However, much less is known about the political implications of beliefs in supernatural evils. To fill this research void, a national survey of 1,092 adults with oversamples of respondents of Asian or Hispanic heritage was conducted in March 2023. The findings suggest that a stronger belief in demons or evil spirits was associated with more negative views toward President Joe Biden. This demonic effect was robust even after controlling for a variety of religious and sociodemographic variables. Besides being robust, the demonic effect was the strongest among all religiosity measures. In contrast, a main relationship between a stronger belief in demons and greater support for Donald Trump was found. However, this demonic effect was explained by Christian nationalism. Finally, these demonic effects vary based on one’s political party identity.

The normative permissiveness of political partyism

Political party identity has become one of the strongest social divides within many Western societies. This paper employs experiments to measure discrimination along different dimensions of social identity, and replicates previous findings showing the strongest discrimination against out-groups occurs in the political party domain. Moreover, we explore a possible explanation for this phenomenon based on social norms. We measure the social appropriateness of discrimination along each identity dimension. The ranking of dimensions by discrimination against out-groups reflects the extent to which such behaviour is normatively permissible, with the weakest anti-discrimination norms on the political party dimension. Results are qualitatively similar in two European countries. We argue that, while strong norms sanctioning discrimination on other dimensions have developed historically, no such process has taken place concerning party affiliation, bringing partisan identity to the fore and helping polarisation flourish.

Institutionalization and party resilience in Indonesian electoral democracy

Political democracy in Indonesia in the reform era paints a different picture from the previous era. This article discusses and analyzes the institutionalization and resilience of parties in electoral democracy in Indonesia. This present study combines a qualitative approach through library research and survey methods to obtain the expected information. The survey was conducted across Indonesia among 1200 respondents, with a margin of error of ±2.9 % and a confidence level of 95 %. The findings of this article propose three matters. First, in the reform era, parties experienced shocks due to the change of democratic regimes from controlled and repressive democracies to liberal democracies that prioritize electoral functions. Second, the demand for the importance of institutionalizing political parties as part of democratic consolidation for the improvement of the quality of democracy is characterized by the strengthening of the identity of political parties. Third, the strengthening of the leadership role of political parties as a beacon for the resilience of political parties in the face of electoral democracy and, on the other hand, maintaining the ideological and cultural characteristics of the party. The relevance of this article for academic literature is the importance of party resilience in the future, which is much influenced by the party's ability to institutionalize democracy within the party itself to answer the challenges of electoral democracy in Indonesia.

FROM ARMED CONFLICT TO POLITICAL CONFLICT: TERRORIST ORGANIZATIONS TRANSFORMED TO POLITICAL PARTIES

Although the strategy used by terrorist organizations and political parties is different, the most obvious thing in common is that they have a political goal. In countries where terrorism is widespread, it is observed that there are poverty, corruption, injustice in political representation, and instability, and non-inclusive political institutions. In order for a terrorist organization to abandon acts of violence, these reasons must be eliminated to a certain extent. The transformation of organizations into political parties takes place by combining structural and strategic factors. In this context, how and under what conditions a terrorist organization turns into a legal political party identity is the subject of this study. For this purpose, terrorist organizations with a long history and an important sociological basis are examined comparatively. It has been observed that the transformation to political parties takes place through peace processes and self-dissolution. Negotiations with terrorist organizations can start under a combination of conditions as follows; realizing that no solution can be reached with violence, weakening the organization, the emergence of a serious need for reconciliation, the support of the national and international public opinion for this reconciliation, focusing on the solution of the factors that motivate the conflict.

Age-group identity and political participation

In many ways, American democracy seems to work better for older citizens than younger citizens, and one explanation is that young adults vote at much lower rates than their older counterparts. Yet while the existence of the age gap in turnout is well established, there remains uncertainty as to what drives it. In this paper, we explore age as a potentially important group identity and evaluate whether strength of age-group identity predicts political participation. Adapting established measures in the social identity literature, we surveyed a representative sample of American adults to gauge how strongly they identified with others in their age group. We find that, on average, younger adults identify less strongly than senior citizens with others their age. However, for young adults, age-group identity is as strong as another form of group identity that has gotten considerable attention in the literature: political party identity. The strength of age-group identity also predicts both voting and participating in climate change protests, especially for young adults. Age-group identity is a stronger predictor of climate protest participation for young Republicans than young Democrats—suggesting there may be potential for a bipartisan coalition of young people active on the issue of climate change.

Who supports #MeToo and the Kavanaugh confirmation? Exploring tolerance for sexual harassment among young adults

AbstractYoung adults have become increasingly involved in political and social movements around sexual harassment. This involvement likely reflects political identity as well ideological beliefs about sexual harassment. We examined how young adults’ ideological beliefs and political party identity are associated with their tolerance of sexual harassment, support for the #MeToo movement and the confirmation of Justice Kavanaugh. Tolerance for sexual harassment was positively associated with endorsement of rape myth acceptance, hostile and benevolent sexism, and was negatively associated with feminist identity, but not associated with gender or political party identity. In contrast, political party identity played an increasingly important role in predicting support for the #MeToo movement and the confirmation of Justice Kavanaugh, such that those who strongly identify as Republican were more likely to support Justice Kavanaugh and not support the #MeToo movement. These findings suggest the #MeToo movement, and the confirmation decision are not perceived as entirely about sexual harassment but increasingly as political issues. Therefore, sexual harassment workplace or university trainings should consider addressing ideological factors. Additionally, in order for anti‐sexual harassment laws to be supported by people of all political parties, it is important to frame the issue as nonpolitical.

Follow the scientists? How beliefs about the practice of science shaped COVID-19 views

“Follow the science” became the mantra for responding to COVID-19 pandemic. However, for the public this also meant “follow the scientists”, and this led to uneasiness as some viewed scientists as not credible. We investigate how beliefs about the way scientists develop their findings affect pandemic-related views. Our analysis shows that beliefs about scientists' objectivity predict views regrading coronavirus-related risks, behavioral changes, and policy priorities. While political party identity also predicts views about COVID-19-related concerns, these vary by political leaders whose approaches embraced versus dismissed science-based strategies, highlighting the importance of perceptions of scientists in shaping pandemic-related attitudes and beliefs.

IDENTITY FUSION THEORY AND EXTREME PRO-GROUP BEHAVIORS: THE CASE OF DISSIDENT POLITICAL PARTY SUPPORTERS IN TURKEY

This research was conducted with dissident political parties' supporters that were represented in the parliament of Turkey via 2015 parliamentary election. Using the Identity Fusion Theory, the study aims to explore the relations of people with local in-group (supporters of the supported political party) and extended in-group (citizens of the Republic of Turkey); and test the endorsement of extreme behaviors as fighting or sacrificing own life to save in-group members or improve the current conditions of in-group. Accordingly, data was collected from Republican People's Party (CHP; N = 320), Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP; N = 215), and Nationalist Movement Party (MHP; N = 150) supporters. There were significant group differences on study variables based on one's political party identity. Broadly, local in-group based socio-psychological processes were stronger in samples of HDP, MHP, and CHP supporters, respectively whereas extended in-group based socio-psychological processes were stronger in samples of MHP, CHP, and HDP supporters, respectively. Moreover, local in-group and extended in-group based socio-psychological processes were positively associated with each other in samples of CHP, and MHP supporters; but not associated in sample of HDP supporters. Identity fusion with local in-group indicated positive indirect (mediational) associations with endorsement of extreme behaviors for the sake of local in-group and extended in-group in three samples. The research findings complement the related literature, and present a relatively new theoretical approach to explain extreme pro-group behaviors. Keywords Identity fusion theory, extreme pro-group behavior, local in-group, extended in-group

DEMOCRAT OR REPUBLICAN? USING POLITICAL STEREOTYPES AS A BIAS DISCUSSION EXERCISE

This innovative practice paper explains a classroom leadership exercise that asks students to identify anonymous people as either Democrats or Republicans based only on brief descriptions. Students are challenged to explore the reasons behind the identifications they make, specifically confronting the trigger words that lead them to assign a political affiliation. In doing so, the exercise leads students to recognize preconceived notions that are largely based on general stereotypes. Although the exercise is based in political party identity, it is designed as a springboard into powerful classroom discussions about broader issues of bias and prejudice.

Analisis Pengelolaan Dana Partai Terhadap Masa Depan Partai Politik: Sebuah Kajian Penguatan Party-ID Terhadap Partai Politik Baru 2019

This article tries to look at the opportunities that new political parties in Indonesia have to provide political education related to the issue of political finance transparency as social capital in increasing participation to electoral support in society. The Law on Public Information Openness (UU KIP) and the Law on Political Parties have obliged political parties to manage their finances with the principles of transparency and accountability, but most have not yet revealed the reporting of political party financial reports that are publicly published. Focusing on the emergence of 4 (four) new political parties that participated in the 2019 election contestation, gave rise to opportunities to be able to attract voter sympathy in order to gain electoral potential by demonstrating internal financial management, bringing transparency through clear financial reports. With a descriptive qualitative approach it was found that the relationship between the identity of political parties and the management of political party funds towards 4 (four) new political parties was still weak. This phenomenon is a result of still being "blurred" and covered by issues of transparency and accountability of funding by new political parties.

Analisis Pengelolaan Dana Partai Terhadap Masa Depan Partai Politik: Sebuah Kajian Penguatan Party-ID Terhadap Partai Politik Baru 2019

This article tries to look at the opportunities that new political parties in Indonesia have to provide political education related to the issue of political finance transparency as social capital in increasing participation to electoral support in society. The Law on Public Information Openness (UU KIP) and the Law on Political Parties have obliged political parties to manage their finances with the principles of transparency and accountability, but most have not yet revealed the reporting of political party financial reports that are publicly published. Focusing on the emergence of 4 (four) new political parties that participated in the 2019 election contestation, gave rise to opportunities to be able to attract voter sympathy in order to gain electoral potential by demonstrating internal financial management, bringing transparency through clear financial reports. With a descriptive qualitative approach it was found that the relationship between the identity of political parties and the management of political party funds towards 4 (four) new political parties was still weak. This phenomenon is a result of still being "blurred" and covered by issues of transparency and accountability of funding by new political parties.

The role of causal beliefs in political identity and voting

An emerging literature in psychology and political science has identified political identity as an important driver of political decisions. However, less is known about how a person’s political identity is incorporated into their broader self-concept and why it influences some people more than others. We examined the role of political identity in representations of the self-concept as one determinant of people’s political behaviors. We tested the predictions of a recent theoretical account of self-concept representation that, inspired by work on conceptual representation, emphasizes the role of causal beliefs. This account predicts that people who believe that their political identity is causally central (linked to many other features of the self-concept) will be more likely to engage in behaviors consistent with their political identity than those who believe that the same aspect is causally peripheral (linked to fewer other features). Consistent with these predictions, in a study run when political identity was particularly salient—during the 2016 U.S. Presidential election—we found that U.S. voters who believed their political party identity was more causally central (vs. those who believe it was causally peripheral) were more likely to vote for their political party’s candidate. Further, in two studies, we found that U.K. residents who believed that their English or British national identity was more causally central were more likely to support the U.K. leaving the European Union (Brexit) than those who believed the same identities were more causally peripheral.

The Political is Personal: Analyzing the Presidential Primary Debate Performances of Hillary Clinton and Michele Bachmann

This study draws attention to presidential primary debates, and particularly to those in which women candidates are beginning to play a more pivotal role. In this content analysis we compared debate performances of Hillary Clinton and Michele Bachmann. Gendered communication strategies were examined to determine if women and men candidates differed in their performances during primary presidential debates. The study found party superseded gender in determining references to war, and Representative Bachmann employed personal experience more than Clinton, Democratic men, and Republican men. The lack of uniform influence on rhetorical choices suggests confounding factors that dictate candidate message construction, such as battles over political party identity. The potential implications for rhetorical strategies and gender within United States presidentiality are discussed.

Identificación partidaria de los jóvenes mexicanos en el proceso electoral 2012

Studying the electoral behavior of citizens helps to understand the continuity and change of the political processes. Due to their considerable share of the electoral roll and the characteristics of their electoral participation, the study of Mexican youths is fundamental to understand the processes of political change in the country. Based on data provided by the Encuesta Nacional sobre Cultura Política de los Jóvenes 2012, this work explores the various components that affect the political party identity of young people living in Mexican metropolitan areas in the context of the federal election under study. This paper describes the weight of each of the elements shaping the relationship between 18 to 29-year-old citizens and the Mexican political parties. Following a correspondence analysis and statistical modelling of the main variables that influence the formation of political attitudes, an empirical approach to understand the construction of youths’ party identification is offered.

REGIONINIO IR STRATEGINIO BENDRADARBIAVIMO APRAIŠKOS LENKIJOS PARLAMENTINIŲ PARTIJŲ POLITINĖSE PROGRAMOSE

This article analyses programs of Poland Parliamentary political parties, which exclude vectors of foreign politics in the context of regional collaboration. The most important concept in this article is analysis of political parties and their ideologies, which show their importance in forming foreign politics in Poland. Priority areas of foreign politics in Poland are presented in the text.Analysis was conducted using analysing programs (2011) of Parliamentary parties such as Civic Platform, Law and Justice, Democratic Left Alliance and Polish People Party. The case of Palikot’s movement is absent in the article due to the fact that the vector of foreign politics is not excluded in its program. The main priorities of Poland’s foreign politics, its position in forming and performing the politics are analysed in the text. The focus of it is on how these priorities are presented in the programs of Parliamentary parties.There are two types of vectors which are useful in forming foreign politics: inner (e.g., features of party system or influence of other political subjects) and outer (relations between foreign politics in Poland and other countries, power of negotiation, ability to arrange coalitions). The role of Poland’s political parties in foreign politics is not clearly marked: it depends on various circumstances, most often on the composition of government. Identity, value system, election strategies: these are the basic concepts which influence the role of ideology in forming foreign politics. The main aim of ideology, however, is to adapt to new conditions of political arena. Ideology is not a dominant factor in forming the identity of political parties in Poland. Partial system in Poland is characterised as having weak base of experience and having a tendency to strengthen the role of the leader despite the fact that this role is restricted by political parties and ideology. On the other hand, despite the fact that ideology is becoming less dominant in forming political decisions, it is still important in political discourse. An assumption can be made that political system in Poland is marked by the weakness of partial ideology.Priorities of foreign politics in programs of various political parties in Poland are similar. Pro-European tendencies are reflected in the rhetorics of Civic Platform and Democratical Left Alliance. Economical factor is the most important in Law and Justice and Polish People Party programs. Transatlantic relations between Poland and NATO are important in programs of Civic Platform and Law and Justice. Agriculture in Poland and its problems are important factor mentioned in the programs of all analysed parties. Good relations with neighbour states are the priority factor in programs of all analysed parties, but Civic Platform and Democratic Left Alliance prefer it the most. Relations of Poland and developing countries as well as separate regions is also an important concept in programs of political parties. Ethnic minority of Poland and its problems in foreign countries is the core concept in the programs of Law and Justice and Polish People Party.Priority concepts of foreign politics in the programs (2011) of political parties in Poland are presented in the article. Position of these programs correlates with the official strategy of foreign politics in Poland. Poland wants to strengthen its position in political unions in order to create common perspective of European integration. What is more, Poland seeks to have good relations with NATO and to present itself as a reliable ally in transatlantic context. Moreover, Poland emphasizes the importance of collaboration with Ukraine and other Eastern European countries as well as collaboration with Southern Caucasus countries. In order to strengthen its position in foreign politics, Poland collaborates with Western countries, countries of Vysegrad group and it also encourages partnership with Eastern countries. Economical collaboration is one of the priority concepts; economical collaboration with Germany is the most successful one so far. Relations with diaspora and those citizens of Poland origin, who live in foreign countries, encourage closer relations with neighbour states, which have the highest concentration of Poles.

National Actors in the Post-Lisbon EU: Should We Expect a Change of National Strategies?

The Treaty of Lisbon’s institutional modifications narrowed the options for member states within the formal decision-making rules, mainly due to the broadening of the ordinary legislative procedure. This paper hypothesises that the actors in EU institutions seek to strengthen their influence through coordination across the EU legislative institutions, along either national or political party lines. The research data consist of co-decision files that include information on the national and political identities of all the relevant actors in the legislative process in 2004–2011. Statistical tests assess the likelihood of changes in the dynamics of the legislative process as related to the affiliation of the actors after Lisbon. The results show a clear difference in the post-Lisbon legislative process, indicating that the political party identity of the actors may play a more significant role, although other factors must be considered as well.

Party Politics and International Trade: Mainstream Parties, Niche Parties, and Trade Openness1

How does party politics influence trade outcomes? Previous studies offer a limited understanding of the role of political parties in trade policymaking due to their restrictive assumptions that downplay the distinct organizational identity of political parties and the competitive logic of their interactions. This paper develops a theoretical argument that emphasizes the competitive forces of party politics as a key determinant of party preference for trade and hence of trade outcomes. This theoretical argument is illustrated and tested in analysis of the trade implications of strategic interactions between mainstream parties and niche parties. The empirical analyses confirm that party strategic factors need to be assigned a substantial analytical weight in explaining trade outcomes.

Spatial models of political competition with endogenous political parties

Two important human action selection processes are the choice by citizens of parties to support in elections and the choice by party leaders of policy 'packages' offered to citizens in order to attract this support. Having reviewed approaches analysing these choices and the reasons for doing this using the methodology of agent-based modelling, we extend a recent agent-based model of party competition to treat the number and identity of political parties as an output of, rather than an input to, the process of party competition. Party birth is modelled as an endogenous change of agent type from citizen to party leader, which requires describing citizen dissatisfaction with the history of the system. Endogenous birth and death of parties transforms into a dynamic system even in an environment where all agents have otherwise non-responsive adaptive rules. A key parameter is the survival threshold, with lower thresholds leaving citizens on average less dissatisfied. Paradoxically, the adaptive rule most successful for party leaders in winning votes makes citizens on average less happy than under other policy-selection rules.